@DrTawannahAllen Problem: Black, school-age girls are over represented among students who face discipline that excluded or criminalized them. As a result, they become disconnected from or pushed out of school.
In 2016, the United States Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights reported that Black girls were overrepresented among students who faced discipline that excluded or criminalized them. Although Black girls constituted only 8% of K-12 students nationwide, 14% had received one or more out-of-school suspensions. Out-of-school suspensions often lead to interactions with the criminal legal system, increasing the likelihood of imprisonment and beginning the school-to-prison pipeline for the most vulnerable youth. Data from 2011 to 2012 showed that Black females constituted 31% of public-school girls referred to law enforcement but represented a staggering 43% of those arrested on school grounds for school disciplinary reasons. These trends are paralleled in the criminal legal system. It is thus imperative to explore why the basis of Black girls’ discipline is less on their behavior and more on how they are portrayed in society.
Why are Black girls experiencing disparate disciplinary consequences?
Two explanations are offered for why this disparate treatment occurs. First, and inarguably, today’s school discipline issues are rooted in racial discrimination. The differential treatment of children based on race can be documented as far back as the beginning of slavery when Black children were often put to work as young as 2 and 3 years of age. Often dehumanized and subjected to much of the same treatment Black adults, enslaved Black children were rarely perceived as innocent or worthy of playtime and were often severely punished for exhibiting normal child-like behaviors (Dumas & Nelson, 2016). Thus, they enjoyed fewer of the basic human protections afforded to their non-Black peers; in fact, the category “children” was regarded as less essential for Black people (Goff, Jackson, Di Leone, Culotta, & DiTomasso, 2014).
Second, the assignment of adult-like characteristics to young Black females is based on stereotypes about their presumed behavior, including mature behavior in social settings, being loud, lacking control (Morris, 2007b), and even aggression and domination (Morris, 2007a). Physical growth and development, defined by the onset of puberty, may also play a role in the adultification of Black girls (Muhammad & McArthur, 2015). Such misleading attributions help account for the disparate exclusionary discipline Black girls are subjected. They also explain how African American females’ status and social position within the school system make them more vulnerable to disciplinary action.
How do Black girls become disconnected from or pushed out of school?
• Black girls are held to White standards and definitions of femininity and ideals. These standards on what it means to be a girl or “lady-like” dictate that girls and women should be silent, passive, and harmonious in their relationships. To maintain a nice, pleasant, and respectable image, they must not express authentic feelings, opinions, or displeasure, i.e., they should mask their emotions (Winkle-Wagner, 2009). Black girls are seen as a deficit when they do not match the standards of White femininity.
• Black girls are viewed as more adult-like or less innocent than their non-Black counterparts. Adultification emerges from the social stereotyping process and the socialization process. Most detrimental to the educational experiences of Black school-age children, especially girls, is social stereotyping, which increases the likelihood girls will be disciplined (Smith et al., 2015). Social stereotyping consists of negative and controlling images based on race, class, and gender. Black females are stereotyped as self-sacrificing, combative, overly aggressive, unfeminine, loud or hypersexualized, and exploiting government policy by having children and refusing to work (Hancock, 2004; Mullings, 1994). Media portrayals of Black girls as more adult-like renders them vulnerable to adultification.
• Collective racial trauma refers to the large-scale impact of historical and discriminatory treatment of communities of color. Students, particularly Black females, see systemic racism play out daily on TV and social media. Their community trauma is often manifest in their schools as well. To understand how trauma affects their behavior, schools need to create safe spaces for Black girls to talk. A deeper understanding of the traumatic events in the girls’ lives – e.g., racism and adverse childhoods – can explain their behaviors, particularly those considered aggressive and dangerous to others. Black girls who experience harsh school discipline often struggle to overcome multiple forms of victimization (e.g., sexual abuse, poverty, drug abuse, homelessness, incarceration of a parent, etc.). Yet, leaders discuss their actions as combative or angry behaviors rather than a response to trauma.
• Research has shown that female students of color receive harsher punishment in schools for the same practices that other non-minority students commit (Payne, 2006). They are suspended or expelled for actions that only require a referral to the principal or a phone call to a parent or guardian (Payne, 2006). Many based on zero-tolerance principles, school policies predispose schools to consign Black females to the school-to-prison pipeline. Black girls were punished for perceptions of threat, noncompliance, and harm, based upon stereotypical images suggesting they were loud, defiant, seductive in demeanor and attire, and aggressive. Such criteria are difficult to measure because they are perception based; they are also shaped and bound by an understanding – or lack thereof – of one’s culture and stereotypes.
What are alternatives to harsh disciplinary consequences?
Policies and Practices Reviews: (1) Review the school district and campus codes of conduct and data with an equity lens to ensure policies do not have a discriminatory impact on Black students. (2) Engage in districtwide training on systemic racism and bias and strategies to address discriminatory beliefs and behaviors. (3) Develop a districtwide plan to address racial bullying and provide training to all staff and students. (4) Teachers and administrators should be prepared to address racial bullying swiftly, immediately, and appropriately.
Social-Emotional Learning: (1) Introduce workaround reflection and meditation stations for students to center themselves when dealing with difficult situations. (2) Discuss their struggles and celebrate their growth. (3) When conflicts occur, find ways to teach students how to make things right. (4) If a student is having difficulties, bring in peers who can support them in their journey to restoring balance.
Engage with families. Understanding family dynamics and structure can help provide the much needed structure and connectivity between the two primary entities that dominate Black females’ attention – school and family. To help with this connection, encourage Black families to take a leadership role in the school, by creating opportunities to participate in campus and district governance.
References
Dumas, M. J., & Nelson, J. D. (2016). (Re)Imagining Black boyhood: Toward a critical framework for education research. Harvard Educational Review, 27(33).
Goff, P. A., Jackson, M. C., Di Leone, B. A., Culotta, C. M., & DiTomasso, N. A. (2014). The essence of innocence: Consequences of dehumanizing Black children. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 106(4), 525–545. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0035663
Hancock, A. M. (2004). The politics of disgust: The public identity of the welfare queen. New York University Press.
Morris, E. W. (2007b). “Ladies” or “loudies”? Perceptions and experiences of Black girls in classrooms. Youth & Society, 38(4), 490–515. https://doi.org/10.1177/0044118X06296778
Morris, M. (2007a). Pushout: The criminalization of Black girls in schools. New York: The New Press.
Muhammad, G. E., & McArthur, S. A. (2015). Styled by their “Perceptions.” Black adolescent girls interpret representations of Black females in popular culture. Multicultural Perspectives, 17(3), 133–140.
Mullings, L. (1994). Images, ideology and women of color. In M. B. Zinn & B. T. Dill (Eds.), Women of color in US. society. Temple University Press.
Office for Civil Rights. (2016). 2013–2014 civil rights data collection. First Look. U.S. Department of Education, Office for Civil Rights. Retrieved from http://www.2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/ docs/2013-14-first-look.pdf
Payne, K. (2006). Weapons bias: Split-second decisions and unintended stereotyping. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 15, 287–291.
Smith, D., Blake, J. J., Marchbanks, M. P., Eason, J., Wood, S., & Seibert, A. (2015). Behind the eight ball: The effect of race and number of infractions on the severity of exclusionary discipline sanctions issued in schools. The Urban Review, 45, 586–610.
Winkle-Wagner, R. (2009). Race, gender, and identity among black women in college. Johns Hopkins University Press.
BIO
Tawannah G. Allen is an associate professor of Educational Leadership in the Stout School of Education at High Point University. She is also a member of Bridges2Success (B2S), a research and development lab engaged in basic and applied research, focusing on the educational plight of K-20 students of color. As a B2S scholar, Dr. Allen conducts culturally responsive program evaluations and designs and facilitates professional development training on the opportunities and access to post-secondary education for underrepresented students, stereotyping and implicit biases, and the impact of trauma on academics.
Prior to joining High Point University, Dr. Allen served as an associate professor and doctoral program coordinator at Fayetteville State University and a research associate with the Urban Investment Strategies Center at the Kenan-Flager Business School. Before entering higher education, Dr. Allen worked in K-12 education, holding administrative posts with Wake County Public Schools as a Human Resources Administrator; as the Executive Director of Teacher Recruitment and Assistant Superintendent of Human Resources with Bertie County Schools; and as the Director of Elementary Education and Professional Development with Chapel Hill-Carrboro City Schools. Prior to performing these administrative roles, she was a kindergarten teacher, assistant principal, and principal, in addition to a speech language pathologist.
Dr. Allen earned a Bachelor of Science degree in Psychology, Elementary Education Teacher Licensure, and Master of Education in Communication Disorders, all from North Carolina Central University, while earning a Master of School Administration from Fayetteville State University. She earned a Graduate Certificate in Program Evaluation from the University of Connecticut, and her Doctorate in Education degree was earned from The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
In 2016, the United States Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights reported that Black girls were overrepresented among students who faced discipline that excluded or criminalized them. Although Black girls constituted only 8% of K-12 students nationwide, 14% had received one or more out-of-school suspensions. Out-of-school suspensions often lead to interactions with the criminal legal system, increasing the likelihood of imprisonment and beginning the school-to-prison pipeline for the most vulnerable youth. Data from 2011 to 2012 showed that Black females constituted 31% of public-school girls referred to law enforcement but represented a staggering 43% of those arrested on school grounds for school disciplinary reasons. These trends are paralleled in the criminal legal system. It is thus imperative to explore why the basis of Black girls’ discipline is less on their behavior and more on how they are portrayed in society.
Why are Black girls experiencing disparate disciplinary consequences?
Two explanations are offered for why this disparate treatment occurs. First, and inarguably, today’s school discipline issues are rooted in racial discrimination. The differential treatment of children based on race can be documented as far back as the beginning of slavery when Black children were often put to work as young as 2 and 3 years of age. Often dehumanized and subjected to much of the same treatment Black adults, enslaved Black children were rarely perceived as innocent or worthy of playtime and were often severely punished for exhibiting normal child-like behaviors (Dumas & Nelson, 2016). Thus, they enjoyed fewer of the basic human protections afforded to their non-Black peers; in fact, the category “children” was regarded as less essential for Black people (Goff, Jackson, Di Leone, Culotta, & DiTomasso, 2014).
Second, the assignment of adult-like characteristics to young Black females is based on stereotypes about their presumed behavior, including mature behavior in social settings, being loud, lacking control (Morris, 2007b), and even aggression and domination (Morris, 2007a). Physical growth and development, defined by the onset of puberty, may also play a role in the adultification of Black girls (Muhammad & McArthur, 2015). Such misleading attributions help account for the disparate exclusionary discipline Black girls are subjected. They also explain how African American females’ status and social position within the school system make them more vulnerable to disciplinary action.
How do Black girls become disconnected from or pushed out of school?
• Black girls are held to White standards and definitions of femininity and ideals. These standards on what it means to be a girl or “lady-like” dictate that girls and women should be silent, passive, and harmonious in their relationships. To maintain a nice, pleasant, and respectable image, they must not express authentic feelings, opinions, or displeasure, i.e., they should mask their emotions (Winkle-Wagner, 2009). Black girls are seen as a deficit when they do not match the standards of White femininity.
• Black girls are viewed as more adult-like or less innocent than their non-Black counterparts. Adultification emerges from the social stereotyping process and the socialization process. Most detrimental to the educational experiences of Black school-age children, especially girls, is social stereotyping, which increases the likelihood girls will be disciplined (Smith et al., 2015). Social stereotyping consists of negative and controlling images based on race, class, and gender. Black females are stereotyped as self-sacrificing, combative, overly aggressive, unfeminine, loud or hypersexualized, and exploiting government policy by having children and refusing to work (Hancock, 2004; Mullings, 1994). Media portrayals of Black girls as more adult-like renders them vulnerable to adultification.
• Collective racial trauma refers to the large-scale impact of historical and discriminatory treatment of communities of color. Students, particularly Black females, see systemic racism play out daily on TV and social media. Their community trauma is often manifest in their schools as well. To understand how trauma affects their behavior, schools need to create safe spaces for Black girls to talk. A deeper understanding of the traumatic events in the girls’ lives – e.g., racism and adverse childhoods – can explain their behaviors, particularly those considered aggressive and dangerous to others. Black girls who experience harsh school discipline often struggle to overcome multiple forms of victimization (e.g., sexual abuse, poverty, drug abuse, homelessness, incarceration of a parent, etc.). Yet, leaders discuss their actions as combative or angry behaviors rather than a response to trauma.
• Research has shown that female students of color receive harsher punishment in schools for the same practices that other non-minority students commit (Payne, 2006). They are suspended or expelled for actions that only require a referral to the principal or a phone call to a parent or guardian (Payne, 2006). Many based on zero-tolerance principles, school policies predispose schools to consign Black females to the school-to-prison pipeline. Black girls were punished for perceptions of threat, noncompliance, and harm, based upon stereotypical images suggesting they were loud, defiant, seductive in demeanor and attire, and aggressive. Such criteria are difficult to measure because they are perception based; they are also shaped and bound by an understanding – or lack thereof – of one’s culture and stereotypes.
What are alternatives to harsh disciplinary consequences?
Policies and Practices Reviews: (1) Review the school district and campus codes of conduct and data with an equity lens to ensure policies do not have a discriminatory impact on Black students. (2) Engage in districtwide training on systemic racism and bias and strategies to address discriminatory beliefs and behaviors. (3) Develop a districtwide plan to address racial bullying and provide training to all staff and students. (4) Teachers and administrators should be prepared to address racial bullying swiftly, immediately, and appropriately.
Social-Emotional Learning: (1) Introduce workaround reflection and meditation stations for students to center themselves when dealing with difficult situations. (2) Discuss their struggles and celebrate their growth. (3) When conflicts occur, find ways to teach students how to make things right. (4) If a student is having difficulties, bring in peers who can support them in their journey to restoring balance.
Engage with families. Understanding family dynamics and structure can help provide the much needed structure and connectivity between the two primary entities that dominate Black females’ attention – school and family. To help with this connection, encourage Black families to take a leadership role in the school, by creating opportunities to participate in campus and district governance.
References
Dumas, M. J., & Nelson, J. D. (2016). (Re)Imagining Black boyhood: Toward a critical framework for education research. Harvard Educational Review, 27(33).
Goff, P. A., Jackson, M. C., Di Leone, B. A., Culotta, C. M., & DiTomasso, N. A. (2014). The essence of innocence: Consequences of dehumanizing Black children. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 106(4), 525–545. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0035663
Hancock, A. M. (2004). The politics of disgust: The public identity of the welfare queen. New York University Press.
Morris, E. W. (2007b). “Ladies” or “loudies”? Perceptions and experiences of Black girls in classrooms. Youth & Society, 38(4), 490–515. https://doi.org/10.1177/0044118X06296778
Morris, M. (2007a). Pushout: The criminalization of Black girls in schools. New York: The New Press.
Muhammad, G. E., & McArthur, S. A. (2015). Styled by their “Perceptions.” Black adolescent girls interpret representations of Black females in popular culture. Multicultural Perspectives, 17(3), 133–140.
Mullings, L. (1994). Images, ideology and women of color. In M. B. Zinn & B. T. Dill (Eds.), Women of color in US. society. Temple University Press.
Office for Civil Rights. (2016). 2013–2014 civil rights data collection. First Look. U.S. Department of Education, Office for Civil Rights. Retrieved from http://www.2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/ docs/2013-14-first-look.pdf
Payne, K. (2006). Weapons bias: Split-second decisions and unintended stereotyping. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 15, 287–291.
Smith, D., Blake, J. J., Marchbanks, M. P., Eason, J., Wood, S., & Seibert, A. (2015). Behind the eight ball: The effect of race and number of infractions on the severity of exclusionary discipline sanctions issued in schools. The Urban Review, 45, 586–610.
Winkle-Wagner, R. (2009). Race, gender, and identity among black women in college. Johns Hopkins University Press.
BIO
Tawannah G. Allen is an associate professor of Educational Leadership in the Stout School of Education at High Point University. She is also a member of Bridges2Success (B2S), a research and development lab engaged in basic and applied research, focusing on the educational plight of K-20 students of color. As a B2S scholar, Dr. Allen conducts culturally responsive program evaluations and designs and facilitates professional development training on the opportunities and access to post-secondary education for underrepresented students, stereotyping and implicit biases, and the impact of trauma on academics.
Prior to joining High Point University, Dr. Allen served as an associate professor and doctoral program coordinator at Fayetteville State University and a research associate with the Urban Investment Strategies Center at the Kenan-Flager Business School. Before entering higher education, Dr. Allen worked in K-12 education, holding administrative posts with Wake County Public Schools as a Human Resources Administrator; as the Executive Director of Teacher Recruitment and Assistant Superintendent of Human Resources with Bertie County Schools; and as the Director of Elementary Education and Professional Development with Chapel Hill-Carrboro City Schools. Prior to performing these administrative roles, she was a kindergarten teacher, assistant principal, and principal, in addition to a speech language pathologist.
Dr. Allen earned a Bachelor of Science degree in Psychology, Elementary Education Teacher Licensure, and Master of Education in Communication Disorders, all from North Carolina Central University, while earning a Master of School Administration from Fayetteville State University. She earned a Graduate Certificate in Program Evaluation from the University of Connecticut, and her Doctorate in Education degree was earned from The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.